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Hugo ChvezHugo Rafael Chvez Fras (born July 28, 1954) is the President of Venezuela. A former paratroop lieutenant-colonel who led an unsuccessful coup d'tat in 1992, he was elected president in 1999. During his presidency, Venezuela has seen sweeping changes throughout the country, including a new constitution, many new social programs, and a new, self-proclaimed anti-imperial foreign policy. Chvez and his administration have been met with hostility from some established sectors in Venezuela, like the business federation Fedecmaras and union federation CTV, resulting in a coup d'tat, general strike/lockout, and recall referendum, all of which failed to remove him from office. Chvez and his allies have made consistent electoral progress, occupying the vast majority of elected municipal, state, and national posts. Early years Chvez was born in Sabaneta, Barinas State. His father, Hugo de los Reyes Chvez, was a former regional director of education and a former member of the conservative Social Christian Party, and is currently the governor of Barinas. In 1975, Chvez graduated from the Venezuelan Academy of Military Sciences with M.S. in military sciences and engineering. He did further graduate work in political sciences at the Simn Bolvar University in Caracas, but left without a degree. In 1989, President Carlos Andrs Prez had presided over unpopular IMF austerity measures that led to protests in 1989, which he brutally suppressed, leaving hundreds dead. On February 4, 1992, Chvez led a failed military coup against President Prez, in which hundreds were killed. Chvez appeared on television to announce that he and his co-conspirators had not achieved their goals "por ahora" ("for now"). After spending two years in prison, Chavez was pardoned by former President Rafael Caldera and emerged as a politician, organizing a new political party called the Movement for the Fifth Republic. Chronology of Presidency Early presidency Chvez won the presidential election on December 6, 1998 by the largest percent of voters (56.2%) in four decades, though not the highest amount of votes as abstention, now a permanent feature in Venezuelan elections, took its toll. He was running on an anti-corruption and anti-poverty platform, and condemning the two major parties that had dominated Venezuelan politics since 1958 (see: Venezuelan presidential election, 1998). Shortly after taking office on February 2, 1999, Chvez embarked on a series of sweeping changes to the Venezuelan government. He organized a series of elections. The first one, a referendum, authorized calling for a constitutional assembly. A second selected delegates to that Assembly, distinct from his country's legislature. Chvez's initial widespread popularity allowed supporters to win 120 of the 131 though he only gathered about 60% of the votes assembly seats. In August 1999, the assembly set up a "judicial emergency committee" with the power to remove judges without consulting other branches of government. In the same month, the assembly declared a "legislative emergency." A seven-member committee was created to perform congressional functions, including law-making. The Constitutional Assembly prohibited the Congress from holding meetings of any sort. The new constitution renamed the country the "Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela", after South American independence hero Simn Bolvar. It increased the presidential term of office to six years, while providing for a new procedure to recall a president. However, it introduced the principle of re-election, which had been banned from Venezuelan 20th century constitutions considering the life-time dicators of the past. It was approved in a nationwide referendum held in December 1999. Elections for the new, unicameral legislature were held in July 2000. During the same election, Chvez stood for re-election. Chvez coalition obtained a commanding 2/3 majority of seats in the new unicameral assembly and Chavez himself was reelected (see Venezuelan presidential election, 2000). In November 2000, he backed a bill through the legislature allowing him to rule by decree for one year. In November 2001, Chvez passed a set of 49 laws by decree, shortly before the enabling law expired, including the "Hydrocarbons law" (regarding oil) and the "Land law" (For more on these laws, see policy below.) Business federation Fedecmaras vehemently opposed the 49 laws and called for a general business strike on December 10, 2001. In December 2000, Chvez tagged a referendum on dissolving Venezuela's labor unions onto local election ballots. Though it is unclear what authority was invoked, he attempted to consolidate all Venezuelan labor unions into a single, state-controlled Bolivarian Labor Force. The elections for the leadership of Venezuelan trade union the next year were a political defeat for Chvez and renewed political tensions through the country. Coup attempt against Chvez Main article: Venezuelan coup attempt of 2002 On April 9, 2002, Venezuela's largest union federation, the Confederacin de Trabajadores de Venezuela (CTV), led by Carlos Ortega Carvajal, called for a two-day general strike. Fedecmaras joined the strike and called on all of its affiliated businesses to close for 48 hours. (Footage available via Edonkey p2p network http://www.filehash.com/file/a8a6df74d90b639205b0aee14348cdbe). The strike spread swiftly as larger and larger crowds of protesters packed the streets. On Thursday April 11, an estimated one million people marched to the headquarters of Venezuela's oil company, PDVSA, in defense of its fired management. The organizers decided to re-route the march to Miraflores, the presidential palace, where pro-government demonstrators had set position. After violence erupted between demonstrators, the metropolitan police (controlled by the opposition) and national guard (controlled by Chvez), 17 people were killed and more than one hundred people were wounded. Doctors who treated the wounded reported that many of them appeared to have been shot from above in a sniper-like fashion. After commander in chief Lucas Rincon Romero announced to the nation that he had resigned, Chvez was arrested on April 12, 2002, and Fedecmaras president Pedro Carmona was appointed by the military as interim president. http://www.11abril.com/index/videos/abril_2002_1.asp His first decree dissolving all established powers was also his last and did not even make it for publication in the official journal. These events generated a widespread uprising and looting on some sectors of Caracas in support of Chvez that was repressed by the Metropolitan Police. Thus ended the briefest de facto government in Venezuela history with the return of Chavez in the night of Saturday to Sunday April 14. Strike/lockout For two months from December 2, 2002, the Chvez government was faced with a business strike, led by the oil industry management. As a consequence, Venezuela stopped exporting a daily average of 2,800,000 barrels (450,000 m³) of oil and derivatives and began to require the import of gasoline for internal use. Chvez was responsible for the replacement of the upper management of the Venezuelan national oil company as well as the dismissal of 18,000 PDVSA employees, Petrleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), allegedly on grounds of mismanagement and corruption, but supporters of the PDVSA board call the action "politically motivated". A court ruling has deemed the dismissal of these workers illegal and has ordered the immediate return of the entire group to their former posts. Nevertheless, Chvez, PDVSA's CEO Al Rodrguez, and Minister of Mines Rafael Rodrguez have repeatedly expressed that such ruling will not be enforced. Movement to remove Chvez in a referendum See also: Venezuelan recall referendum, 2004 In August 2003, opposition leaders began the process to recall Chvez, a procedure first allowed in Venezuela in the 1999 constitution. When the opposition presented the National Electoral Council (CNE) with 3.2 million signatures, the CNE rejected the petition by a vote of 3-0 with 2 members abstaining, ruling that signatures collected before the mid-point of Chvez's term were not valid under Venezuelan law. In November, the opposition conducted another signature drive, again presenting over 3 million signatures. The recall vote was held on August 15, 2004. Record numbers of voters turned out, and polling hours had to be extended by at least eight hours. 59.25% of the vote was against the recall, for Chvez remaining in office. Election observers Jimmy Carter of the Carter Center and Organization of American States Secretary General Csar Gaviria endorsed the results of Venezuela's recall referendum. However in the following weeks numerous irregularites as to the voter registry and distribution were revealed. Certain statistical anomalies were claimed. The opposition did not recognize the audit of the election under the conditions that the Carter Center accepted but not the European Union which had refused to survey the election. If it is agreed that Chvez survived the recall effort, the margin of victory is now questioned and as a consequence political peace and reconciliation are not forecoming. Arrest of alleged paramilitaries Main article: Alleged planned Venezuelan coup in 2004 In May 2004, Venezuelan state TV reported the capture of 126 Colombians accused of being paramilitaries, near properties belonging to Cuban exile Roberto Alonso, one of the leaders of the Venezuelan opposition group Bloque Democrtico, and media magnate Gustavo Cisneros, a Cuban-Venezuelan Chvez opponent and one of the alleged architects of the 2002 coup. According to one of the detainees, they would have been offered 500,000 Colombian pesos to work on the farm, before being informed that they would have to prepare for an attack on a National Guard base, with the goal of stealing weapons to potentially arm a 3,000-strong militia. http://www.greenleft.org.au/back/2004/583/583p18b.htm Venezuelan policy under Chavez With Chvez's emergence, there have been many social and economic changes in Venezuela. Traditionally, lighter skinned groups have held economic and political sway over this oil-rich nation. The Venezuelan business community, represented by the Venezuelan Federation of Chambers of Commerce (Fedecmaras), strongly opposes Chvez and his policies, and the largest labor federation has joined them. Oil policy Venezuela is a major producer of oil products, and oil is vitally important to the Venezuelan economy. Chvez has gained a reputation as a price hawk in OPEC, pushing for stringent enforcement of production quotas and higher target prices. He has also attempted to broaden Venezuela's customer base, striking joint exploration deals with other developing countries, including Argentina, Brazil, India, and China. Chvez has redirected the focus of PDVSA, the Venezuelan state oil company, bringing it more closely under the direction of the Minister of Energy. He has also attempted to repatriate more oil funds, by raising the percentage of royalties Venezuela receives on joint extraction contracts, and exploring selling some or all of Citgo's assets, a US-based subsidiary of PDVSA. International relations Chvez has made Latin American integration one of the centerpieces of his policies. This has come in many forms: the creation or extension of joint institutions like Petrosur, Telesur, and Mercosur; bilateral trade relationships with other Latin American countries, including arms purchases from Brazil, oil-for-expertise trades with Cuba, and a pipeline through Colombia. Venezeula's relationship with its neighbor Colombia has been rocky at times, though; with events like the Rodrigo Granda affair temporarily throwing the relationship into crisis. Venezuela has had a mostly antagonistic relationship with the United States for many reasons: Chvez's hawkish stance in OPEC, his public friendship and trade relationship with Cuba and Fidel Castro; and his numerous public statements in opposition to U.S. economic and foreign policy. In response to the ouster of Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in February 2004, with U.S. assistance, Chvez called U.S. President George W. Bush a pendejo ("prick") and threatened to cut off all oil exports to the United States if it took any more action against his country. http://www.reuters.com/locales/newsArticle.jsp;:4042a149:0c1a48964cc2b5?type=worldNews&locale=en_IN&storyID=4463411 He was also the first democratically-elected president to visit Iraqi President Saddam Hussein since the 1991 Gulf War, on August 11, 2000, and strongly opposed the 2003 invasion of Iraq. The United States has consistently opposed Chvez, though constitutionally elected, recognizing the Carmona government during the 2002 coup, calling Chvez a "negative force" in the region, and requesting support from Venezuela's neighbors in isolating Chavez. On 20 February 2005, Chvez stated that he had reasons to believe that the U.S. had plans to have him assassinated; he said that any attempt would mean that Venezuela would cut off oil to the U.S. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/4282603.stm This was a claim first made a week before by Fidel Castro http://www.mercurynews.com/mld/mercurynews/news/world/10886111.htm?1c Social programs Venezuela under Chvez has started numerous social programs: Barrio Adentro, an initiative to provide free health care to poor and underserved areas, Mission Robinson and Mission Sucre to increase literacy and basic education. The literacy programs are centered on learning to read and understand the Venezuelan Constitution and their inherent rights as Venezuelan citizens. These programs have been criticized as inefficient and incomplete by opposition figures but are widely heralded and appreciated by Chvez backers. Many of these programs involve importing expertise from abroad; Venezuela is providing Cuba with 53,000 barrels (8,000 m³) of below-market-rate oil a day in exchange for the service of hundreds of physicians, teachers, and other professionals. (BBC) The Ley de Tierras ("Land Law"), passed by decree in November 2001, created Plan Zamora to enact land reforms in Venezuelan agriculture: taxing unused landholdings, expropriating unused private lands (with compensation), and giving inheritable, unsellable land grants to small farmers and farm collectives. The rationale given for this program was that it would be part of generating "food security" for the country, a net food importer which has seen vast disinvestment in its rural areas since oil wealth was discovered. However, the eventual reach of such reforms is questioned as Venezuela has already near 90% of its population in urban settings. In early 2005 forced seizures were initiated against the law own provisions, dangerously politicizing the process of land redestribution. Media All of the five mainstream TV networks and most major mainstream newspapers oppose Chvez, but a small minority of the media is said to support him. Chvez claims the opposition media is controlled by the interests which oppose him, whereas the media accuse him of having intimidated journalists with his pronouncements and of allegedly sending gangs to threaten journalists with physical violence. In 2005, the Chvez government announced the creation of Telesur, a proposed Latin America-wide television network to compete with CNN en espaol and Univision. Labor Chvez has had a combative relationship with the nation's largest trade union confederation, the CTV, historically aligned with the Accin Democrtica party. During December 2000 local elections, Chvez placed a referendum on the ballot to force internal elections within unions. The referendum, condemned by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) as interference in internal union matters, passed by a large margin on very thin turnout. In the ensuing elections, Carlos Ortega declared victory and remained in office, whereas Chavista candidates declared fraud. The Union Nacional de los Trabajadores (UNT, National Workers' Union) is a pro-Chvez union federation which has been growing during Chvez's presidency, with some pro-Chvez unions disaffiliating with CTV because of their strident anti-Chvez activism and affiliating with the UNT. In 2003, Chvez sent UNT representatives to an ILO meeting, rather than CTV. On January 19, 2005, Chvez nationalized Venepal, a paper- and cardboard-manufacturing company at the request of its workers. The company had gone bankrupt and participation in the general lockout in 2003 was its final undoing. Workers occupied the factory and restarted production, but following a failed deal with management and amidst management threats to sell off equipment, Chvez ordered the nationalization, extended a line of credit, and ordered that the Venezuelan educational missions (see above) purchase paper products from the company. Socialism On 30 January, 2005 at the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, Brazil, Chavez declared his support for democratic socialism, in his words "a new type of socialism, a humanist one, which puts humans and not machines or the state ahead of everything." http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/news.php?newsno=1486 He later reiterated this in a February 26 speech at the 4th Summit on the Social Debt held in Caracas. http://www.cnn.com/2005/WORLD/americas/02/25/venezuela.chavez.reut/ Personal life Chvez was married twice and is currently separated from his second wife, Marisabel Rodrguez de Chvez. He has four children; his younger daughter is named Rosines. See also External links Chvez Fras, Hugo Chvez Fras, Hugo Chavez
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